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VOLUME XLII * No. 163 * Autumn 2001
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VOLUME XLII * No. 163 * Autumn 2001

Highlights

Ervin Fenyő
Another English Connection

Letters Between István Széchenyi, Lady Stafford and Lord Palmerston


 

This was how Count István Széchenyi became the apostle of the Hungarian cause. On November 3, 1825, when he offered all the revenues of his properties for one year for the purpose of establishing a Hungarian scholarly association, the predecessor of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, the Countess was also in Pozsony, the city where the Hungarian Diet met. Széchenyi placed a whole country at her feet. This country had to be dreamed up first, and then realized. This was the task he undertook.
The 1830s were Széchenyi's years of glory. On February 15, 1826 he left the Army. On his initiative the first races were held in Pest in June 1827. On August 20 of the same year the National Casino, a gentleman's club which he founded, was inaugurated in Pest. From 1830, his vastly influential books were published in succession: Hitel (Credit) in 1830, Világ (Light) in 1831 and Stadium (Stage) in 1832. These works attacked Hungary's feudal establishment, earnestly advocating the abolition of serfdom, the feudal order and the privileges of the nobility. The author made reference only to common sense, showing that every man was entitled to property, credit and trust. This alone was to form the basis of the "social contract". This was the only way to build a country where social awareness, solidarity and responsibility for the community were all at work.
Hitel opened a new era in Hungary: among many other things, it discussed the problem of loans and the liberation of landholdings. (The law of entailment had obstructed the free sale of land of the aristocracy), a vital issue from the viewpoint of the establishment of a modern agriculture. Világ laid emphasis on the primacy of intellectual foundations and thinking, of trained and educated people, to replace the false and misleading illusions of national pride. Stadium provided a plan for changing the constitution.

In all those years Széchenyi was the most popular man in Hungary. From 1833 he was the royal commissioner in charge of the navigability of the Lower Danube. But his favourite projects were the construction of the first permanent bridge between Pest and Buda and the establishment of a permanent Hungarian theatre in Pest. For the first, in 1832 he visited William Tierney Clark in Hammersmith and discussed with him the possibility of erecting a permanent bridge between Pest and Buda.
Count Károly Zichy died on December 15, 1834. Széchenyi married his widow, Crescence Seilern, on February 4, 1836. His public work was crowned with unqualified success. In 1836 the Diet passed the Bridge Act, obligating everyone crossing the bridge to pay a toll, regardless of status. (Previously, members of the nobility had been exempt from such dues.). This set the precedence for the social changes to come. On August 22, 1837 the Hungarian Theatre, Pest's first permanent theatre playing in Hungarian, opened its doors.
The first problems came in 1840. On the political scene Széchenyi found a rival in Lajos Kossuth. Széchenyi immediately reacted to Kossuth's appearance on the scene, he knew that his political opponent was an outstanding speaker and journalist who mesmerized his audience. Both of them wanted to change Hungary's constitution and social order. Still, Széchenyi felt that Kossuth's ideas would set the country ablaze.
Széchenyi wanted to introduce reforms from above. The national institutions established by him-the Academy, the Casino, the Turf, the bridge, the railway, river regulation, and the rest-were more than mere communal forums; they created the opportunity to develop the intellectual powers of the individuals constituting the community by attending to a shared problem. Széchenyi, too, wanted to change the constitution, but he was opposed to revolutionary methods, and Kossuth's revolutionary fervour antagonized him. Kossuth, who came from the lesser nobility, held radical views, attacked the existing social structure from the opposition benches in strong words. Instead of the ruling class, he put his trust in the lower nobility and the bourgeoisie, his own background, who were able to recognize the backwardness of a feudal society and wanted radical changes. In addition to pushing for constitutional changes, Kossuth also wanted to abolish all the fundamental pillars of the feudal world, silencing their spokesmen. As a journalist, he was able to call the attention of the Hungarian nobility and bourgeoisie to the urgency of social changes. Because of its voluntaristic character, Széchenyi regarded this national consciousness as an oversimplification, a demagogical and populist trick, and a very dangerous one at that. He thought that the critical attitude might destroy the entire social fabric, throwing the newly emerging social order into chaos. Not to mention the danger that such a revolutionary shock might indefinitely postpone the possibility of national progress based on rationality.

In addition to numerous domestic problems, the government was faced with enormous problems in relation to Hungary's national minorities. With their just demands turned down by the new Hungarian leadership, the national minorities in succession turned against the Hungarian cause and looked for support to the Imperial Court. The prospect of a war loomed. The Court apparently backed the Hungarian government, but behind the scenes it sustained, and even aggravated, the conflict. Kossuth, who saw through this double-dealing, wanted to substantiate the concessions won in March and by the April laws.
Széchenyi looked on with growing anxiety. He feared that Kossuth, who had the government in his sway, would plunge the country into a catastrophe. Their antagonism grew. Their alliance put Széchenyi in fetters. He felt like breaking free, but could not move. "... to bleed, or even to die, for one's own convictions is all right, but to do it against them? As I am doing now for Kossuth's views? which I relentlessly attacked? No!", he noted in his journal on June 25. "Oh-I keep saying to myself-what a jest it was to yield to pressure to team up with Kossuth? ... If only I had my freedom now! I could not get much sleep. The utter disintegration of all the elements of Hungarian life is clearly unfolding in front of me", he wrote in his journal on July 5.
In response to the national minorities' growing opposition, Kossuth asked Parliament for 200,000 recruits. The motion was carried. The Emperor did not help to resolve the conflict. Széchenyi had nightmares: "Kossuth's name appeared to me in a sea of blood in the history books of the future."
He was suffering from a guilty conscience. He blamed first Kossuth, then himself, for it was he who had launched the entire reform movement. "You are to blame for everything!", he noted in his journal. In the second half of August, Baron Josip Jellac©ic´, later the Banus of Croatia, gathered an army in the southern marches. Széchenyi thought that only death could bring him deliverance. He ordered his family to leave Pest, but he stayed on.
The coup de grace was delivered by a memorandum issued by the Austrian government on August 27, essentially declaring the March concessions unlawful and demanding their withdrawal. "...in blood, and it is all Kossuth's fault," Széchenyi noted in his journal. "No one can see the terrible world historical catastrophe lying in store.-I can do nothing. I am in utter despair. I am dancing on the chains of the bridge." On August 31 the Emperor issued a rescript, which informed the Hungarian government that the conflicts between the two halves of the Empire must be resolved on the basis of the Austrian government memorandum. On the same day, Jellac©ic´'s army occupied Fiume. The Hungarian government and Kossuth had to face the dilemma to surrender or to wage a defensive war, a war of independence.
The Count was shattered. "No man has ever introduced greater mayhem into this world... than I have! Oh, my God, have mercy on me!"-is the last entry for the year 1848 in Széchenyi's journal.
On September 7, following three attempts at suicide, the gates of Gustav Goergen's private asylum in Döbling near Vienna closed on Széchenyi. In those days in Austria, mental patients were taken to lunatic towers, where chains, ropes, leather straps and straightjackets were used to subdue and terrorize those who were unable to control their bursts of emotion. The asylum in Döbling was not such an institute. It was the first mental hospital in Austria that used therapy. It was founded in 1819 by an energetic psychiatrist of vast experience, Dr Bruno Goergen (1777-1842). Work and music therapy provided the basis of treatment. Goergen's ideal was that the doctors and assistants at the hospital should have musical training and that they should befriend the patients and engage them in conversation. Only the most affluent could afford to pay the high fees, but patients from several European countries went there for treatment. The poet Lenau died there in 1850. After Bruno Goergen's death his son, Gustav, took over as director, as such he took in István Széchenyi. The Count was placed in a separate suite on the first floor of the
institute's western wing, with access through the back entrance in the garden. This made Széchenyi's Döbling residence suitable for clandestine meetings.
In the twelve years of his stay at Döbling, Széchenyi only left the mental hospital twice, on the two consecutive days of April 19 and 20, 1850, to visit his family during their stay in Vienna. The encounter disturbed him to such a degree that he would not receive visitors for many years afterwards. With his sharp eye he could not help noticing the effect that his anguished face and wretched appearance had made on his family. On his return to the institute he collapsed on his bed and started to wail uncontrollably. He made a vow never to leave the building again.

On April 12, 1857 the resident of the Döbling asylum received an official letter. He was asked to attend the festivities that marked the visit in Hungary of the Emperor, Francis Joseph I (1830–1916), who expected to see him among his jubilant Hungarian subjects.
The invitation came from the Emperor himself.
The Döbling recluse picked up the gauntlet: he forestalled the Emperor. To accept the invitation was out of the question. The asylum provided the perfect excuse. But in order to save his son from this humiliation, too, Széchenyi decided to send Béla abroad before Francis Joseph's arrival. In this way he would not have to pay formal respect to the Emperor in the manner of a hand-kissing servant, as custom and tradition would have required. He sent his son off to England, so that Béla, too, could be exposed to the revelatory and personality-forming experiences of Széchenyi's youth and could acquire the indispensable skills of careful calculation and prudent judgement, which could be turned to his country's advantage later. Széchenyi made only one provision, that the young Count must find an English girl of 12 or 14 of a wealthy aristocratic family, whom he could marry eventually. They were to settle in Pest and establish a platform that would become the centre of that Hungarian national revival in which Béla Széchenyi was to play a pivotal part.
The young Count set out on May 1, 1857 and complied with his father's conditions in his own way. He did not protest, but after his arrival in England he promptly fell in love with Lady Anne M. Stafford, a member of the English upper class, unhappily married and with four children, delighted to find a companion at last. Her husband, Lord Granville, was not bothered in the least. They led their separate lives in freedom.
Széchenyi, who once again took to writing and was working on a monumental book entitled Önismeret (Self-Knowledge), turned to a new theme on May 3, 1857, a systematic examination of national characteristics. One day later, on May 4, he called His Imperial Majesty Francis Joseph an usurper, on the very day that the Emperor's Hungarian subjects thronged to pay homage to him in Pest-Buda.
There was no Széchenyi present, neither Béla nor István.
On October 29, 1857 the Viennese newspaper Der Wanderer printed a brief resumé of a newly published, anonymous book, Rückblick auf die jüngste Entwicklungsperiode Ungarns (Looking Back on the Latest Developments in Hungary, Vienna 1857); Széchenyi decided to make use of his son's connections in England in Hungary's interests, by writing up his own reflections as a reply to the book. He personally made a copy of the manuscript, and asked his son to smuggle it to England in late November.
Entitled Blick auf den anonymen "Rückblick", Von einem Ungarn (A Look at the Anonymous "Look Back" by a Hungarian, London, 1859), Széchenyi's work was published without the author's name, just as Rückblick had been. "Anonymity" had an entirely different significance in the two cases. "Anonymous of Döbling" used vitriolic sarcasm to reject the propaganda that ten years after the end of the war of liberation Hungary had become a country of prosperity and progress, where political rights were fully exercised. That was not the way Széchenyi saw it, to say the least. Blick, the so-called Yellow Book, was directed against the the despotism of the Austrian administration, and above all else, the hated Minister of the Interior, Baron Alexander Bach. The book was published in German by George Barclay's London publishing house (28 Castle Street, Leicester Square). After February 15, 1859 enterprising Hungarian patriots smuggled single copies into the country. Because of its style and the biting sarcasm of the language, people soon began to suspect that István Széchenyi was the author, whose English connections gave rise to the circulation of various myths, anyway.
That was a difficult time for Austria, too. The Empire had just lost a war. The emperors Francis Joseph of Austria and Napoleon III of France signed an armistice at Villafranca on July 11, 1859, putting an end to the conflicts between France, Austria and Piemont. The Habsburg Empire agreed to surrender Lombardy, but Venice continued to stay Austrian. Defeat abroad demanded changes in domestic policy too: on August 22, 1859 Baron Alexander Bach, the hated Minister of Interior since 1848, was dismissed. A small part in his dismissal could be credited to a certain patient in the Döbling sanatorium, who was now constantly harassed by the police.
A house search took place on March 3, 1860. Several "highly treasonable" documents were seized, and the police were almost certain that the famous Blick had been either written or commissioned by Széchenyi. The old Széchenyi appealed to common sense, as usual. He sent an invitation to the Police Minister Baron Adolf Thierry. In his letter he described the house search as an insult to his entire political career and services rendered to the Austrian alliance of states. He maintained his conviction that he had always acted in the interests of the Empire and even if he did make comments critical of the existing regime, those were made with the intention of producing improvement. Adolf Thierry replied on March 16, 1860. Part of his letter read: "The asylum to which you had chosen to retreat has long ceased to be what it used to be. The almost continuous and rather extensive correspondence that Your Excellency has been conducting with the outside world, admittedly intra muros but nevertheless in a very vigorous manner, along with your sprightly and active participation in current events, which includes the most important issues that concern the governments and peoples, has demonstrated that Your Excellency has long renounced quiet reclusion. This has made it impossible for me to refrain, on certain special considerations, from carrying out my duties that the existing circumstances charge me with." Furthermore, Baron Adolf Thierry regretted to inform the Count that his official engagements would not permit him to visit the noble Count in his Döbling reclusion. The sentence that hurt Széchenyi the most was this: "The asylum to which you had chosen to retreat has long ceased to be what it used to be." This meant that the police had two alternatives to choose from, either to institute legal proceedings against the elderly Count or to have him locked up in a real asylum, among real lunatics. Neither of the options was acceptable to Széchenyi.
On the night of April 7, 1860 he shot himself in the head. People in Hungary took his suicide for what he had intended it: a protest against tyranny and a call for the freedom of ideas.

Count István Szechenyi to Lady Anne, Marchioness of Stafford

Madame

Allow me to commence this letter by saying that I love you infinitely, that I take the greatest of interest in you and that I wish no more than for your happiness. [Cancelled: And you should know that what engages me to speak to you so frankly is the kindness you have towards my son Béla, who is indeed an excellent young man.] The great kindness that you have been so good to display towards my son Béla, who is truly an excellent young man, requires me to speak to you with such frankness.
Our Béla-I call him "our" because he belongs to you as much as to my wife and I-can render the most important services to our nation, which is dying, or rather on the point of being murdered, but is still not dead.
Béla, who holds no secrets from me, has shown me all the letters that you have written to him. O dear Milady, what you have written breathes so much candour, so much truth! Your fine soul cannot dissimulate, knows not what it is to be false. I do not believe myself mistaken in saying that, with the most elevated sentiments, you are the finest creature in the world, "and the best natured being that ever was."
In the midst of my cruel torments and agonies, a voice tells me that you are a "Godsend" for Béla, and through him for the Hungarian nation which has above all been developing recently a vitality, a moral force which fortunately has not been perceived by our hangmen, but which animates us from day to day with more hope of being brought back to life.
You have already filled the soul of your "Hungarian friend" with all that is beautiful, noble and grand, for the love which is not debased is certain to raise itself to the heavens, among the immortals.
Continue to have the bounty to be the sister, the friend, the confidante of our Béla, and believe by my white head, my experience so cruelly acquired, by my soul so ulcerated by sorrows... you will raise up, if you so wish, the fine young man to the highest rank that a mortal may aspire to-to be the defender, the saviour, the benefactor of his own people and of his country.
But, oh adorable daughter of that sublime Great Britain, you will have to know how to understand, appreciate and assist my views with Béla.
So go on, straight forward, and come at once to the point-I wish for Béla to marry in England-and by calculation, yes-but not by pecuniary calculation [What an unworthy thought!-] we loathe gold [in general], consider it only as a necessary evil but-by calculation to save and serve our unfortunate country.
You have written, or said so many times to Béla, that you would be able to reconcile yourself to seeing him marry for love, while a marriage of convenience would injure you fatally? And I can [only] applaud your elevated sentiments. To place a man high and to see that he is in a condition to sell himself for money is a thunderbolt which would destroy a soul such as yours.
If I thought that Béla were in a condition to do a spec for an heiress, to play the sybarite on a grand scale, whilst his fellow countrymen swim in blood and tears, upon my faith, I believe that I would be ready to put an end to his days. [But, as I know him, he is in no danger from that aspect!]
Alas, it is not money which will assuage our agonies. All the wealth of England, believe me Milady, would not suffice to make us forget our freedom, our independence and the development of our nation, ravished, destroyed, ruined. Besides, we dispose of a rather large fortune, to make life from that aspect as supportable as possible. I wish an English alliance for Béla, and that he establish himself in the heart of Hungary at Pest, to create a centre there, for that is what indeed we lack.
And it is for you, Milady, to seek out, to find for him his companion, his wife!
I do not believe that I am placing you too far on high if I tell you that you may become the benefactress, the guardian angel of a nation, which is not known, but which I swear to you is full of nobility and capable of the fairest of futures.
We sent Béla last year to England so that he might find for himself a marriage there. He met you and, alas, our wishes, our desires were ruined. We ought to go to war with you-but still nothing is lost. Béla is very young, he is able to wait, he would be able to wait for another ten or twelve years, were not the time of the poor Hungarians so precious, and had they not need of Béla, and through him a focal point. So, Milady, kindly put right the injuries that your beauty, your charms, your sentiments have caused us-love Béla with all the strength of your soul, but seek happiness in the virtue of self-sacrifice, of devotion and, above all, in the ardour of taking up the vocation which has fallen to you, which is no less, believe me, than restoring Hungary, the fatherland of your "Hungarian friend", to life, health and happiness.
Béla is made of stern stuff, so you may be sure he will yield to your suggestions.
Be fearful of your youth, of your senses; do not rely upon the supernatural strength of a young man so full of fire and spirit. Put an insurmountable barrier between yourself and him, and you will enjoy the peace of a serenity which you may not have known, and which is the portion of the virtuous soul.
Today we dispose of an income from the sale of lands, capable of great improvements or of great development, of some 10,000-of which a great deal more than half will be Béla's fortune.
You will therefore understand that it is not money that we have to run after. Milady, be just on what you wish of Béla. Are you selfish enough to pretend that the fine young man will play the sad and wearying role of Petrarch to yourself-or that he will seek out or purchase the embraces of women of dubious repute or those of fallen girls-while you enjoy the happiness of motherhood, of having children-knowing the bitterness of being deprived of them, as recently, which overwhelmed us with sorrow.
Béla has need of a companion, in perfect health, that is one of the most important conditions; oh of good family, if possible a relation of yours, who has your looks and who, in the words of the Hungarian proverb "has enough money to pay for supper if Béla pays for the dinner" [which in Hungary is the principle meal, while supper is generally a slight affair], for to create a centre one should be able to live without embarrassment-and she should be now a young girl of fourteen or fifteen years-since I hope that Béla still has some years of maturing. Those are [approximately] the conditions which will fill my heart with unspeakable satisfaction.
All this should remain the greatest of secrets between us. Béla would come to see you every year, or more often, for it is in England-where he can breathe the air of freedom-that he should grow in body and soul, in consideration and in hope.
You will be able to meet him without embarrassment and to love him without blame and, if you succeed in finding for him what he needs to establish himself in Pest and to work there for the happiness of his fellow countrymen, you will be certain to be adored and blessed by a nation full of heart and of nobility-if you ever come to see a Hungary restored to life, made flourishing and happy by the very Béla you have loved, inspired and served as a true friend-say, Milady, that you will forgive the unfortunate father of Béla for having spoken to you in such frankness-perhaps in wounding your heart and placing you so on high?
May the Good Lord enlighten your soul and fill your heart with that delicious tranquillity that is known only to those who have the courage to know themselves and to resolve to live [henceforth] only for duty and for the good of those who have the capacity to serve their fellow countrymen and the human race to the greatest of extents.
If I am no longer alive when the dawn of Hungary appears again and you are happy to have served-through your love for your "Hungarian friend", a grateful nation, consecrate to my memory a benevolent tear on my tomb.
Béla will send you some small mementos of Hungary on my part, please accept them as cordially as I offer them to you.
[In Széchenyi's own hand: Milady, Your most humble and obedient servant,

Vienna
Döbling 163
Novemb. 17, 1858]

My dear Lady Stafford,

I am much obliged to you for the Letter which you sent me: I think I know who the writer is, from the Allusions he makes to his having formerly seen me.
The Description he gives of the State of Hungary, and of the Austrian Empire generally, tallies very much with the Information which comes to us from various other Quarters. This young Emperor seems to have entered into "the Road to Ruin." I am afraid however that we can be of no use in saving him and his subjects from the Evils which the Course he pursues is calculated to produce. If he were disposed to listen to advice he would have mended his ways, for he has had good advice from those whose Duty it was to give it, and from whom he might have taken it without Derogation to his Dignity, but advice from a Foreign Government would be rejected with that Scorn with which those who need good Counsel most, are most prone to treat good Counsel when given them.
With the best wishes to you, that many new Years may find you prosperous and happy. I remain

Yours sincerely
Palmerston

 

My dear Duchess of Sutherland,

I am glad to find that you are returned safe and sound from all the Chances by Sea and by Land of foreign Travel and as you have been in Hungary. I should like very much to learn your Impressions as to the state of that Country and as to the Points of Difference between the Austrian Government and the Hungarians.-My own opinion as a far off Looker on is, that both are in the wrong. That the Hungarians ask that which would be the Dismemberment of the Empire and which therefore the Emperor can not be expected to grant; while on the other Hand the Emperor requires that which would be much for the Adventage of Hungary as well as of the Rest of the Austrian Dominions, but he requires it in an arbitrary Manner which renders it difficult for the Hungarians to consent to it. Hungary is too small to be a considerable European Power by itself, but united with the Rest of the Empire it becomes an influential Part of a State which if well governed would be one of the most powerful on the Continent of Europe; and as the Hungarians are more clever, more intelligent and more able than the Germans, they would in the working of a free Representative Constitution in the long Run have the Lions Share of the Governing Authority. But this Arrangement could only be brought about by their own free will expressed by their rightful Representatives. I fear that neither Party is disposed to listen to Reason, and that the Quarrel is not likely to be soon made up; while in the meanwhile from the Resistance of the Hungarians on the one Hand and the oppressive separations of the Austrian Government on the other there arise from Day to Day Mutual Resentments and Enmities which will make Reconcilation hollow, if ever it is effected. These are my views; now I should like to know yours derived from observation on the spot.
We heard that your visit to Hungary awakened the jealousy and alarms of the suspicious and timid men who rule in Vienna. They did not make out whether you and the Duke were going to preach submission or to stimulate Resistance. They would have stopped you if they had dared, for they dread the exposure of the oppression practised by their Troops in Hungary, and that was one Reason no doubt why they wished us to bring away Dunlop. After all however the Austrian Empire is an important and useful Element in the Balance of Power in Europe, and it is very unfortunate that rich in all physical Wealth it should be so poor in practical Statesmen.
We have been staying some Time at Walmer Castle and have now lent it to the Shaftesburys with the Hope that quiet good air and a new scene unconnected with any painful Recollections may repair their broken Health and Spirits and we are now on our way to Broadlands.

Yours sincerely
Palmerston

 
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