Schools and Gypsies:
Who Fails Who?
...
Eszter Rádai: Are you hoping that Hungarian accession
to the EU will begin a new era for the country's half-million Gypsies? Can
accession really change the disadvantages and prejudices they suffer, or will
it just affect the tiny number involved in Gypsy politics?
Tibor Derdák: I'm not just hoping. The changes
for which we shall have the Union to thank were not postponed to the date
of accession. We're already profiting from them and the process has been underway
for some time.
The EU has long been a benchmark to which we can refer. People wanting to
attain something in this field have long argued that "this is what the EU
expects." Everyone believed us, although we knew that it did not matter that
much. Slovakia, for instance, has not shown any improvement in the way it
manages the problems of the Gypsies, but Slovakia has been accepted as a Union
member in the same round as Hungary. The Gypsies in Slovakia are outcasts,
their state is worse than it is here. Although their proportion of the population
is even higher, I know of no serious initiative. In Hungary, on the other
hand, not only leaders of the Roma community but also other political forces
and politicians sympathetic towards the Gypsies and feeling a responsibility
for them, have been able to apply pressure by saying, 'Wait a minute, Europe
won't let you leave things in that state.'
Are you saying you've been bluffing in a good cause?
Certainly, we've been bluffing, which means that now, inside
the Union, where there are real prospects at last, we aren't facing a completely
new situation. We just have to continue what we've been experimenting with
and practising for some time. For instance, we succeeded in using EU entry
to stop the classifying of a mounting proportion of Gypsy children (20 per
cent in recent years) as disadvantaged, sending them to special schools. This
school year many of the schools have not started special classes- it's not
Euro-compatible to do so. Referring to models in EU countries was how we managed
to introduce a system of after-school tuition involving NGOs to make a secondary
or university education a realistic goal for the Gypsy young. For this, we
introduced a French system known as accompagnement ŕ la scolarité. There have
been some splendid individual initiatives in the city of Pécs, in a run-down
mining area, where there is an excellent Gypsy play-school operating alongside
one of the day nurseries. Also an art club for handicapped children run by
an art teacher at a special school. Thus, they published an edition of Petőfi's
epic poem John the Valiant in Beashi, a Gypsy language, English and Hungarian,
with excellent illustrations. Generally speaking, a single well-trained and
committed teacher can work miracles. As well as that, there's some real solidarity
been engendered: within the Gypsy community among people in different situations,
and in a section of the majority society that feels and accepts some responsibility- and
this works in both directions. This too is based on European patterns.
When you were a young man at university in the mid-1980s,
what led you towards the Gypsy community? How did you come into contact with
them? As a teacher or as a sociologist?
As both. To start with, I was majoring in Hungarian and French,
but I switched to sociology because I recognised that they were dealing with
things in the department that were difficult to approach otherwise.
Poverty, for example. It was something I hadn't encountered before in a comfortable,
so-called "Communist family", but I knew it existed. My father and grandfather
were 'worker-cadres', who rose to high positions with low qualifications.
Poverty for us seemed to be something you could overcome. I was born in a
district where there weren't any really poor people. The teachers at the so-ciology
department took us students in groups to poor areas, to show us what it was
like. To me it seemed very odd, but the existence of poverty was denied in
'socialist' Hungary. One of the regime's most important declared aims was
to better the lot of the poor and eliminate poverty. So it was not done, indeed
forbidden to talk about existing poverty and the poor. And my interest, of
course, was aroused by the Gypsies, because there was obviously something
wrong about their condition. I was also interested at that time in the semi-legal
or illegal world of the free churches and sects. I wrote my dissertation on
the work of a Protestant movement, the Calvinist Mission for Saving Drunkards.
I was beginning to deal with things you couldn't officially hear about at
the time, whose existence was being ignored or even denied.
Your student research work took you among your subjects,
sharing their lives.
Yes, but when you live among people, sympathy is replaced
by participation. You feel sympathy for people who are not like you.
When you graduated, you took a job as a social worker
in Koőbánya, one of Budapest's working-class districts, but they soon got
rid of you. Why?
The official view at that time was that social problems were
diseases and people had to be cured of them, and so the head of our institution
was a district nurse. That led to all kinds of conflicts, because the young
sociologists working there thought that social problems could not and should
not be treated with medicine. So they soon bid us goodbye. We didn't want
to hold surgeries, like white-coated doctors, telling other people what to
do with their lives. Instead we were always out in the field, trying to resolve
the problems where they appeared. Later I was thrown out of the Institute
of Alcohol Studies for similar reasons.
I was showing too much interest in Alcoholics Anonymous, which was successful
in the West, but unauthorised in Hungary at that time, although alcoholism
was one of the country's gravest social problems both in scale and consequences.
This was when Gorbachev was pursuing his campaign against alcoholism in the
Soviet Union. Not with much success, but alcohol was one area where social
problems were at least being addressed in the Communist countries. My bosses
may have been right to fear that real methods of treatment would upset the
established order. Alcoholics are not revolutionaries, but drinking is a kind
of revolt against hopelessness. The way to overcome it is to restore the individual's
social relations, to restore civil society. That was strongest taboo under
the regime, so my professional efforts were 'banned'...
But you didn't lose your enthusiasm.
No, I was more amazed than anything. I hadn't heard of anything
like that before. I'd been taught at home that this world of ours was working
well and to "speak your mind boldly and things will advance."
So off you went among the Gypsies to find out what life
was really about?
I didn't go among them intending to learn. In fact I thought
I already had a good idea what life was like. I was thinking how I'd show
these sociologists in Budapest it was possible to go among the people.
Like the Narodniki?
I've always been put off by them. My model were the Anglo-Saxon
social-anthropologists, such as Bronislaw Malinowski. They were paid by colonial
powers to find out how all the many different peoples who found themselves
in the British Empire lived. At the time, I imagined that my own research
interests were leading me to the Gypsies, but I know now I was trying to discover
what kind of life I really wanted.
The first stage was Southern Hungary, the Magyarmecske
Primary School.
Yes, then I moved to Besence. The village between the two
is Gilvánfa, a Gypsy village- even the mayor is a Gypsy. That's where I spent
most of my time later on. Then I moved as the families moved, I lived in Pécs
for a while, then in Hidas, in the Gypsy colony, and now in Mánfa. Apart from
that, I've spent various lengths of time in several other villages in Baranya
County.
At first I taught in a small general school in Magyarmecske, where I had to
do everything, if one of the teachers fell ill, I had to fill in for two or
three extra subjects. When the PE teacher was called up for his national service,
I became the PE teacher. I also taught math, which I really don't understand.
My pupils were extremely poor, most of them Gypsies. This, incidentally, is
the district of Hungary with the highest unemployment- across the River Dráva
from Croatia.
You wanted to get as far as possible from Budapest?
No, I wanted to teach Gypsy children and build on the knowledge
of the language of Gypsies I'd gained at university. I'd teach them French
and they'd teach me Gypsy.
A straight swop?
A fair deal, yes. I give and I get something in return. Although
the idea of exchanging things of value is largely unknown there. They live
in a very depressed world with nothing to exchange, because they own nothing.
There's a kind of property community among them. It's not polite, for instance,
to say thank you for anything- that was very odd for me- because it would mean
you were keeping track of what was being given and it would need reciprocating.
Reciprocation would break up the property community.
Do you live in this property community? Do you identify
with the community that much?
I do actually. More and more. For instance, I bought a house
jointly with a family that had lived in a Gypsy colony up to then, but you
couldn't build there, while the money I had wasn't enough to buy a place.
I've been to that house. You have a room of your own
and your things in it, but the door's not locked, everyone can come and go
as they please.
Well, I'm a poor teacher, and this is a poor family from
the Gypsy colony, about twenty of them. But the room where my bed is, where
I keep my computer, where I charge my telephone and have my books is just
mine. Well, not entirely, because the children use the computer as well. Their
grandmother can't read or write, but they send e-mails to their mums in Copenhagen...
They are very receptive to the world that is opening before them. They find
that Europe offers more opportunities than the Gypsy colony in the village.
So you might say it is a fortunate encounter. I have learnt that the socialisation
these children bring from home allows them to hold their own in a globalising
world. A large number of people growing up together within a few square metres
means more experience of communication. It gives an ability and knowledge
we need above all to hold our own in Europe. And just imagine, it is provided
by the culture of Gypsy homes, in families living in the deepest destitution.
Seen from Europe, the Gypsy question doesn't look as recalcitrant as it does
from the Hungarian Parliament. Growing up in a crowd of people is a cultural
asset that Europe values.
Not many in Hungary will agree with you. Most teachers,
for instance, take a different view.
Yes, a great many teachers talk disparagingly of Gypsy families- "what
we've built up at school by the evening collapses again at home by the morning."
Then they talk of the family holding children back and an environment short
of stimulus that Gypsy families are supposed to surround their children with.
The reverse is true. These families provide real emotional support and there
is an incredibly eventful and lively life in them. Anyone who has worked with
Gypsy children knows it's a treat to be among them, they make for such lively
company. There certainly are a number of things they bring from home that
the school finds hard to cope with, but that's not the home's fault, it's
the school's failure, or more precisely that of the education system.
You see, Gypsies grow up in large communities, not the bourgeois nuclear families
typical of the towns. And naturally there's no such thing as the children's
room. When we take them to camp and there's a separate bed for everyone, they
are unhappy and start moving in with each other, saying they would 'die' if
they had to spend a night all alone in a separate bed. There is no cradle.
They don't cage babes in little pens. They keep them on their laps all the
time. Not the same lap, of course. The mother wouldn't be able to stand that
all day, but they'll be in the grandmother's lap, the brother-in-law's, the
godfather's or the cousin's lap. Meanwhile the baby is learning that it is
different being in one lap from being in another, and how to make sure it's
grandmother's lap, which is the best place, and they have usually found out
how to achieve that by the time they're a year old. They learn to talk the
same way: they are exposed to constant banter, and when they start to walk,
they find that one person they totter to has this kind of humour and another
that, and they have to be ready for the unexpected from everyone. You can't
expect one answer to a single question. There'll be a thousand, depending
on the mood, the position in the family or the character of the person you
ask. But this extremely varied culture is no advantage in school. Thus Gypsy
children have learnt that if they want to say something, they have to compete
for the right to be heard amongst the crowd of brothers and sisters and cousins.
This behaviour goes against the style of the Prussian-type school system,
with a teacher up front explaining things on the board and the children only
allowed to speak if they are spoken to; it counts as naughtiness, indiscipline
or 'not being ready for school.' So another cultural positive from home turns
out to be a negative, a shortcoming, a minus point. This, I cannot insist
too much, is the fault of Prussian-style teaching, not the child's or the
family's.
You're an adviser to the ministry commissioner for the
education of disadvantaged and Gypsy children. What should teachers do?
It has been largely realised in many parts of the world that
you have to let children do things, you have to make them 'work', not force
them to sit still in a hard school desk, but let them move as they want. Meanwhile
you encourage them to cooperate with each other, because that is the best
way of evening out the differences in standards and culture within the group.
We should be forgetting 'frontal classwork', which knows only one form of
cooperation, whispering the answer, and that is forbidden. Let the children
sit down at a table and be given joint tasks, tasks that can only be done
by cooperating- that's the only way to succeed together and individually. This
method is used in Hungary in a few schools- and everywhere with good results,
so the situation is not hopeless.
If the children are taught like that, there will be no problem in the classroom
about one child from a doctor's family and others not being able to read and
write properly yet. At the Education Ministry we advise schools to educate
children from different backgrounds together. The new watchword in education
policy is integration.
Laws and regulations are being shaped to make it worthwhile for schools to
teach Gypsy children along with the others, because that will earn them more
funding and more respect, and institutions not prepared to do so will find
themselves at a grave disadvantage. I am spending most of my time on this
at present.
You were a member of the first freely elected Parliament
in 1990–94. What took you into politics?
The chance to try my hand with my friends at founding institutions.
For example, something we founded at that time was the Gandhi Gimnázium, the
one and only academic secondary school in the region for the Gypsy community,
and it has since become famous. What prompted us was the conclusion that if
Gypsy children were not attempting the secondary school-leaving certificate,
that is they were excluded from secondary education, we had to found a Gypsy
minority school. It is based on an alternative approach to teaching, which
it was possible to 'sell' in the early 1990s as a service for an ethnic minority.
It is a typically Eastern European concept that people in Western Europe cannot
understand. The school has allowed us to prove to teachers in neighbouring
schools in Pécs that Gypsy children can get their certificate as well and
can go on to complete university. Of course it is hard to imagine a secondary
school-leaving certificate and a degree for children who could not read a
newspaper at the age of 12–13, cannot understand a map, and cannot find a
word in a dictionary. They haven't a desk at home and they haven't a relative
who attended secondary school. Your average teacher will see these as dim
children "without good capabilities", as the euphemism goes in Hungary. Since
then, the school has achieved outstanding results in some fields with these
pupils. It has become the city's best gymnasium in some respects. The Gandhi
children are best when it comes to communication, for instance in student
drama or oral skills in foreign languages. Hardly surprising in the light
of what I said about the upbringing in poor families. So it's not true that
95 per cent of the Gypsy community cannot continue their education. It is
the schools that cannot do their job.
What prompted the idea of the Collegium Martineum at
Mánfa founded in the mid-1990s?
That is another track, another chance for Gypsies. We decided
to start a students' hostel rather than another secondary school so that the
pupils themselves could choose their next school. The funds were collected
for Eastern Europeans by German Catholics. They saw it as important to give
young Gypsies living like outcasts in Eastern Europe a real chance of continuing
their studies. That also calls for some form of special teaching programme
and the Germans liked ours. The choice is wide in Pécs. There is a bilingual
secondary school with Italian as the other language of instruction, another
specialising in English, and a third for those who specialise in art or mathematics.
The hostel helps pupils to succeed in these schools. It would be hard or impossible
for them otherwise, if they had to rely on their home background, a gimnázium
is based on the values, experiences, vocabulary and tastes of the middle class.
Our children lacked all that for a start. They do not listen to serious music
or for that matter to rock, only to disco or folk music as played on a synthesizer.
They cannot swim or skate. They have never been abroad and they do not possess
passports. On the other hand, they can chop wood, they know what to bring
home from the woods, and they know all the types of mushrooms, but none of
that is much use at a gimnázium.
In other words, you provide an environment in the hostel
that simulates the life of a middle-class family and its ideas, habits and
general knowledge?
You could say that. The requisites of a middle-class culture
are available in Mánfa, but it's also important they should feel all of one
piece not having to break the ties that bind them to their childhood and family.
There's no need for them to change their characters or deny their earlier
selves. They can always switch back to their own background, whatever it may
be. Some of our pupils come from slightly more prosperous homes and some from
poorer ones, where there isn't even a table. Hungarian society needs them.
Let there be a section of the middle class that happens to be Gypsy as well.
But that means forgetting a concept still regrettably current in education.
That's the idea that a family holding a child back has to be removed from
his life, that the child has to be lifted out and taken off as far as possible;
that it's better if the family abandons him altogether. That still happens
with a great many children. All I want to say is that the Gypsy family is
sacred, just as sacred as any other family. So when you establish a hostel,
you have to think all the time how to make what goes on here attractive to
the families.
Now there's a second students' hostel at Ózd. How does
it differ from the first?
In just that. Again it was a Western European initiative;
the EU spent 170 million forints on it. Gypsies make up a quarter of the population
of Ózd, a northern town that suffered worst after the change of system, when
its 'socialist' heavy industry collapsed. So the decision-makers pricked the
map and set the task: a talent-developing college for Gypsies. But there was
no application process and no team of teachers able to cope with the challenge
came together. There wasn't a democratic organization on the Gypsy side to
act as a partner, either. Very poor use will be made of an endowment under
undemocratic conditions like that, and the bigger the endowment the poorer
it will be.
Is that when you became involved?
Once I had expressed my opinion, I was asked to act by the
organization that had provided the money, Phare, which is the Western European
programme concerned. The EU delegation was astounded by the practice of plucking
children out of their family background. But ever since the Empress Maria
Theresa issued a decree on the subject in the eighteenth century, it has been
considered self-evident that a Gypsy family is no partner in this, it pulls
the child back, so that the county administration and the heads of the college
could not understand what the donors' problem was. Then we formed a society
of young Gypsies who had managed to continue their education, so that they
could share their experiences with those at the college. This kind of 'youth-leader'
work develops commitment and solidarity among and provides a model for the
younger ones, so it works both ways. Social psychology speaks of a self-help
group. I came across the concept at the beginning of my career, in the form
of Alcoholics Anonymous, and my recommending its adoption cost me my job,
as I said earlier. I later lost my job twice for the same reason when trying
to introduce the method with some colleagues in teaching. The Hungarian teaching
profession finds it very difficult to work with such an organization, but
with the wind of Europe behind us, we managed to incorporate the model into
the 2003 Act on Public Education.
Ózd and the rest of the impoverished northern industrial belt of high unemployment
proved a hard nut to crack. There was long, hard resistance in the gimnáziums,
the college and the county to treating the Gypsies as equal partners. As one
would expect, the results were poor. After all, the secondary-school-leaving
examination was meant for citizens, not serfs. Drop-out rates in Ózd are unimaginable.
Meanwhile the failure rate provides arguments for people out to show that
Gypsy children are not meant for schools. That's one reason why the EU would
do better not to waste money on ill-founded undertakings.
It should always insist on professional expertise and a democratic mode of
organization on the part of those spending the money.
What sort of results did Mánfa achieve?
There were no drop-outs there initially, while the German
money lasted, but there was a sharp drop in standards when it began to run
out. (The government took the view that it had no responsibility for the matter
and so did the Hungarian Catholic Church, which is the owner of the college
in a manner of speaking.) But the tried and experienced teaching staff knew
roughly what to do and had a thousand solutions up its sleeve. At Ózd, on
the other hand, there's no ready solution, mainly because the eastern half
of the country lacks a sufficient number of teachers who believe that a large
number of Gypsies can pass the secondary school-leaving exams. They can't
imagine how young people living in absolute poverty, with weak reading and
writing skills, can be brought to university standards. Teaching work needs
truly committed people who believe in their mission, but there aren't any
to be found in Ózd. Those available tend to be people who get on with their
work and will perhaps realise that it is worth it a few years later. Teachers
with faith had to be imported from Pécs and Budapest. Meanwhile the institutional
background is emerging. A county self-help network has been set up by educated
young Gypsies, mainly from Szendrőlád. It has been named after Bhim Rao Ambedkar,
who played a prominent part in suppressing the Indian caste system.
When do you think Gypsy children will approach the Hungarian
average levels of educational attainment?
At long last this process is on the way all over the country.
Not just because of government intervention, but because of the diminishing
number of children. There's talk of closing schools, and after years of a
teacher shortage, teachers are now afraid their jobs may go. So they and the
secondary schools feel a great need to attract Gypsy children. The trouble
is that Hungarian secondary schools are incapable of holding onto them. But
if we can make modern teaching methods available and produce structures to
assist them, success will certainly follow. The children will play their part,
you can be sure of that.
Eszter Rádai
is on the staff of the weekly Élet és Irodalom. She has published several
volumes of interviews.
Tibor Derdák
is a teacher, sociologist and founder of several educational institutions,
an adviser in
the Ministry of Education to the commissioner for the education of disadvantaged
and Roma children.